2. The Socio-economic Differentiation of Land-cultivating
Families
Land cultivators are very inhomogeneous; they have different
intersts, motives, living conditions, and resource endowments.
Before dealing with the attitude towards sustainability, it
is necessary to differentiate between the most important socioeconomic
categories among land cultivators.
Over the last forty years, the social, economic and political
framework conditions have changed agriculture; size of farms
decreased because of inheritance, land reforms, and population
increased. New technologies have been introduced in agriculture
which is now interwoven with other sectors. Non-agricultural
development created employment apportunities and caused migration.
These and similar factors are more marked in one region than
in another. But the general result is an increasing differentiation
in agriculture. Forty years ago, apart from a Smiled number
of plantations, agriculture consisted of peasent familiy farms,
where the family members applied all their labour to the farm
and aH family member lived off the produce of the farm. The
usually small farm was the centre of common interst of all
family members, the basis of their existence, and their security
of subsistence. The family's expectations were homogeneous
and farm-centered. Differences in farm sizes and ownership
were the main reason for difference in the standard of living.
Contrary to former times, it is necessary to differentiate
between two types of farm households:
- Those who have enough land to enable them to earn their
living from agricufcure. These households usually concentrate
their efforts on farming and take advantage of the possibilities
offered by modern technology. They want to increase their
incame by practising good cultivation. This catagory consists
of
- large landowners (landlords, plantations)
- progressive farmers'
- economic holding.'
- Those who do not have enaough land to be able to ear
their living through agricultural activities. They try to
improve their living conditions by taking up non-agricultural
activities. Their ggoal is to achieve a better income, wherever
it may come from. Their interst in agriculture is often
limited, partly enforced because of the lack of alternatives.
Especially the young people in these households look for
means of livelihood outside agriculture. This categories
consists of
- households with multiple employment
- households with household production
- households of aged people
- marginal existences.
Table 1. Sicioeconomic Types of Land-cultivating Households
- Households with enough land
- large landowners (landlords, plantations)
- progressive farmers
- economic holding.
- Households without enough land
- households with multiple employment
- households with household production
- households of aged people
- marginal existences.
In greater detail, the different type can be characterized
as follows:
- Large Landowners (landlords, plantations)
Their number decreased considerably because of land reforms,
measures to limit the impact of future land reforms, and
inheritance. As these people usually want to maintain their
standard of living after their tended property has been
reduced, they make use of the possibilities of modem technologies
and intensify land use in self-cuRivation. Many 'pettylandtords'
become progressive farmers. However, there are exceptions;
some still cultivate with shareeroppers is in the old days.
Plantations are units producing export crops, mostly perennials,
and usually include processing in their activities.
Production is mainly concentrated on one crop and is organiized
on a semi-industrial basis. Management is of high standard,
while the social situation of plantation warkers is often
miserable.
- Progressive Farmers
This group is an offspring of the 'Green Revolution.' Small
landlords and active family farmers used the possibilities
of acchieving a high income in agriculture bu applying new
technologies. They practise market oriented modern agriculture
that ensures a high incomeT Erioridmic power leads to political
power. This group has many representative in district and
provincial assemblies.
- Economic Holding
These are economically sound family farms of sufficient
size. Often, they have been in the hands of a family over
generations. Usually, all family members are interested
in farming along modern lines as this yields a good income.
As for the other types without enough land to support the
family, the sitiation is quite different. Since they do
not have sufficient land, they have to use all their resources
to secure survival. Often, this accurs outside agriculture.
Therefore, those are not households which apply all their
labour on the farm, live off the proceeds of farm, and whose
members facus their interst on the farm.
These groups have increased considerably in number. In detail,
they can be characterized as follows:
- Households with multiple employment
Difference in family and farm structure, in
the region's resource endowment and the level of economic
development have resulted in different types of multiple
employment:
- Individual Income Combination
The cultivator himself takes up non-agricultural work or
works as an agricultural labourer. As it is difficult to
conbine both activities, this is often only a transitory
arragement, except in the case of rural service professions.
- Houshold Income Combination
One or more sons take up non-agricultural employment or
work as agricultural labourers and give part of their saraly
to the family. They may work locally or in distant places,
on a permanent basis or whenever work is offered. Others
devide their working life in to sections. Up to the age
of about 45 years, men work outside the village, while their
fathers operat the farm. When the letter becomes too old,
the son takes over cultivation, but often his children are
of working age at that time.
- Extended Family Economy
Nuclear families still maintain dose social and economic
ties even after some of the branches have migrated. Those
living in the cities are given foodstuffs, and pre-school
shHdren live on the farm of remitances, not regularly, but
whenever needed for investments.
- Households with Household Production
Not everybody will find a job outside agriculture, and spmetimes
there is not suitable person in the family. The strategy
left to these households is to produce by using the available
resources (weaving mats, gathering firewood, making ropes,
producing charcoal, renting animals) or to avoid expenses
by assuming maintance work and repair of buildings, tolls
and clothing which, in other households, are assigned to
speaalsts. Often, this is a transitory period until a child
is old enough to take up non-agricultural work. Usually,
income is low in these houssholds, and, therefore, cultivation
is extensive. Many households experience a down ward trend.
- Households of Aged People
Here, all children have migrated or died. Since other means
of social security are lacking, the old couple has to continue
cultivation as long as its shrinking working capacity allows.
Cultivation is extensive, with much disinvestment, and finaBy
the land has to be rented out.
- Marginal Existences
For personal reasons or because of their location, these
houshold have not succeded in finding means of earning an
additional income. They often live in extreme poverty and
have to sell their land gradually. Cultivation is done without
investment, and yield are low. They desperately fight for
survival by whatever means. Some try to migrate to cities
in the hope of a better living; most of them cannot even
afford this.
This breakdown of land-cultivating households according
to sotioeconomic catagories the wide variety of today's
agriculture regarding the degree to which the family employs
its labour on the farm and lives off the proceeds, regarding
is interest in farming, the fucntbns of land cultivation,
and its goals for the future of its cultivation. Some of
these housholds want to make a living from the land, others,
only part self-sufficiency or just housing and rural life
opportunities, financial means for education and migration
cost, insurance in case of unemployment, securing livelihood
for old days, etc. Especially the young people on too small
farms are other looking for non-agricultural means of living.
Not every farm-boy is happy to continue farming, as in the
old days. He may do so but often he is forced by the lack
of alternatives. In order to give an idea of the number
of households belonging to each catagory and their cultivated
area, the author made-in the absence of relevant official
statistics - a rough estimate for Pakistan 3)
which is presented in Table 2.1 take Pakistan as an examples
because I am not familier enough with Indonesia to be able
to elaborate such an estimate for thet country. However,
I invite the sotio-economists in Indonesia to work out such
an estimates. This would be very helpful in dealing with
many questions.
Table 2. Number and Cultivated Area of Various Socioeconomic
Catagories of Land Cultivators in Pakistan (in 1000) (Estimate).
Type |
Number |
Cultivated Area |
With sufficient land |
abs |
% |
abs |
% |
- Large farm |
13 |
0.3 |
900 |
5.7 |
- Progressive farmers |
200 |
5.0 |
2000 |
12.7 |
- Economic holding |
750 |
18.5 |
6500 |
41.1 |
Total |
963 |
24.0 |
9400 |
59.5 |
|
|
|
|
|
Without sufficient land |
|
|
|
|
- Households with multiple employment |
1450 |
34.4 |
3100 |
19.6 |
- Household with household Production |
350 |
8.8 |
700 |
4.4 |
- Househod of aged people |
350 |
8.8 |
600 |
3.8 |
- Marginal existences |
1000 |
25.0 |
2000 |
12.6 |
3) As far as possible, the author
used the Official Statistics of Agriculture In addition, he
estimates on the basis of this rather intimate familiarity
with Pakistani agriculture as a result of 59 visits between
1961 and 1992, and the information obtained from more than
20 PhD studies he organized in Pakistan. The figures should
be taken for what they are-estimates. For the argument, it
does nor really matter whether a catagory is 5 or even 10
percent larger or smaller.
|